The Supreme Court justice recently hinted that Section 230ââthe twenty-six words that created the internetââcould soon be in the highest courtâs crosshairs.
by Kara Frederick, The Federalist, March 15, 2022
Clarence Thomas has done it again. Never one to shy away from the Big Tech debate, the conservative Supreme Court justice recently hinted that Section 230ââthe twenty-six words that created the internetââcould soon be in the highest courtâs crosshairs.
In the simplest of terms, Section 230 of the 1996 Communications Decency Act grants immunity from civil liability for third-party content hosted on âinteractive computer services.â On March 7, Thomas identified two foundational issues with the application of this statute in its current form. First, the courtsâ broad interpretations have led to sweeping immunity for todayâs tech platforms. Second, Big Tech companies never fail to abuse the privilege.
Thomas asserts that expansive interpretations of Section 230 from 1996 onward may clash with the original text. He contends that arguments favoring this broad immunity ârest largely on âpolicy and purposeââ instead of the statuteâs plain text.
This isnât the first time Thomas has made this claim. In his October 2020 statement on Malwarebytes, Inc. v. Enigma Software, he challenged previous decisions by the courts, writing that their interpretations have âlong emphasized nontextual arguments,â leaving âquestionable precedentâ in their wake. But it is his impugnment of the tech companies themselvesâwho use the statute as a shieldâthat deserves attention.
There is a reason Thomas opened his March statement on Jane Doe v. Facebook with a gob-smacking narration, briskly detailing how âan adult, male sexual predator used Facebook to lure 15-year-old Jane Doe to a meeting, shortly after which she was repeatedly raped, beaten, and trafficked for sex.â Thomas later asks if immunity from such abuses are really âwhat the law demands.â The question is a good one.
Should Big Tech companies continue to hide behind their âcapaciousâ immunity for both failing to apprise users of defects in their products or neglecting to protect them from the âmalicious or objectionable activity of their usersâ? The answer, according to Thomas, appears to be no. For it is difficult to see why the law âshould protect Facebook from liability for its own âacts and omissions.ââ The platforms should incur blameâand attendant consequencesâfor their actions.
These acts and omissions take myriad forms. Tech companies often turn a blind eye to sex trafficking, deliberately draw in children as a key demographic, and wantonly apply their âcommunity standardsâ based on political winds.
Without the deterrent effect of private lawsuits, it is likely tech companies are more emboldened to target younger audiences, opening them to a litany of abuses. Big Techâs penchant for seeking out younger and younger children to lure in with highly addictive content is a testament to this.
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For instance, internal Facebook documents published by The Wall Street Journal in 2021 revealed that the company considered âtweensâ to be a âvaluable but untapped marketâ and formed a team devoted to coaxing them to the platform. A quarter of all Americans on the Chinese Communist Party-beholden app TikTok are teenagers or younger as of early 2021. And Twitter is deliberately attempting to compete in that demographic through key hires aimed at attracting young people.
Most galling of all, these companies are aware of their deleterious effects on the next generation, yet continue their efforts to court them. Facebook itself concludedthat a correlation between Instagram and teen suicidal ideation (among other teen mental health issues) exists, but still believes building an Instagram platform for children under 13 is âthe right thing to do.â
Human traffickers, foreign, Islamist terrorists and their propagandists, and drug cartels also proliferate on these platforms, often shielded by Section 230âs expansive protections. As Facebookâs vice president of state public policy noted in 2021, Facebook â[allows] people to share information about how to enter a country illegally or request information about how to be smuggled.â
Thomas cited related dereliction this week as well, saying that in spite of Facebookâs awareness of its crimes, the company was:
afforded publisher immunity even though Facebook allegedly âknows its system facilitates human traffickers in identifying and cultivating victims,â but has nonetheless âfailed to take any reasonable steps to mitigate the use of Facebook by human traffickersâ because doing so would cost the company usersâand the advertising revenue those users generate.
Other noxious âacts and omissionsâ by these companies include marketing themselves as democratizers of information while enforcing a two-tiered justice system that punishes and excludes a certain set of thinkers. For instance, last Thursday, Facebook announced it would temporarily lift its ban on violent speech if that speech is directed against Russians and Russian soldiers. (Facebookâs initial justification for the suspension of former President Donald Trumpâs account was that his posts contribute to âthe risk of ongoing violence.â)
Additional examples of this uneven application of community standards by Big Tech companies are legion, from Covid-19 misinformation suspensions to the suppression of the Hunter Biden laptop story to the denial of biological realities to their tolerance of Vladimir Putin and Chinese Communist Party activityon these platforms. Clearly, Big Techâs abuse of Section 230 covers all manner of sins.
The implications of Justice Thomasâs thinking for Big Tech are stark. He presents two routes the government can take.
First, he defers to Congressâs role in clarifying the statute, stating that Congress âmay soon resolve the burgeoning debateâ about how correctly federal courts have interpreted Section 230. In his April 2021 statement on Biden v. Knight, Thomas emphasizes the legislative bodyâs agency in this realm, noting we got into this mess when Congress provided digital platforms with immunity from specific lawsuits without imposing corresponding responsibilities, like nondiscrimination.
Second, âassuming Congress does not step in to clarify Section 230âs scope,â Thomas suggests the Supreme Court should fill the now-gaping void of inaction.
They may not have to. Energy on Capitol Hill behind proposals to clarify 230 may yield concrete results in the next few years. From significant overhauls to carve-outs to more narrow reforms on the right, to targeted exceptions to immunity on the left, Congress is poised to address the evolution of its â90s era legislation and clear up the scope of the law.
But should they fail, Thomasâs most recent attempt to rally his confreres on the court may be exactly what Americans need to compel a reckoning with Big Tech. There is no better man to lead the charge.
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